Blick_UK Politics (9780198825555)_CH10

238 Chapter 10  Identity, equality, and power

infer from this theory that excluded groups might find that matters of concern to them do not even arise for consid- eration; or that they do not even identify what their true interests are. Further elaboration of the power concept involves the spaces within which it operates. Some theorists have depicted them as falling into three types: ‘closed’, ‘invit- ed’, or ‘claimed’. A ‘closed’ space is one which operates subject to a particular political authority: for instance, the confidential environment in which civil servants and min- isters form policy. An ‘invited’ space is one into which a political authority asks outside groups to make a contri- bution, on terms defined by that authority. A parliamen- tary select committee inquiry issuing a public call for ev- idence could fit within the definition of an ‘invited’ space (see Chapter 4). A ‘claimed’ space is one in which it is possible for individuals and groups outside government to operate on their own basis. It could include the forma- tion of civil society organizations; demonstrations; or on- line campaigns (see Chapter 7) (Luttrell et al., 2007: 1–2). The Internet offers more opportunities to groups that subject of legal challenge on the grounds of discrimi- nation against men, and it proved necessary to amend the law to enable the practice to continue (Nugent and Krook, 2016: 2). The 2019 UK General Election saw greater diversity than ever before in a number of senses. Of 650 MPs, forty-five had publicly identified as lesbian, gay, or bi- sexual, and 220 were women—still well below half, but the highest proportion to date. Both the Labour and Lib- eral Democrat parties had more women than men as MPs. Another new high was for BAME MPs. At sixty-five, this figure represented 10 per cent of the total in the House of Commons, still below the approximately 14 per cent figure for the UK population as a whole. We can measure representativeness in other ways, such as educational background. The Commons fails to mirror the population in this regard. Overwhelmingly, MPs had attended university, 21 per cent having been to either Cambridge or Oxford, and 27 per cent having been to independent schools (BBC News, 2019a). How diverse is public life beyond the House of Com- mons? If we consider ethnicity, Figure 10.9 shows that this varies across institutions. The Greater London

collective action problem, as when the Black Lives Matter protests following the killing of George Floyd inspired the international anti-racism protests of 2020. Further analysis suggests that the exercise of power is a complex activity, and that some groups are better placed to achieve outcomes than others. In a work first published in 1974, Steven Lukes argued that power had three different faces, represented in Table 10.3. We can Influence over the open taking of decisions, for those who know about these. 2 Those in positions of authority being able to prevent certain issues even appearing on the agenda. 3 Conditioning individuals and groups into agreeing to arrangements even though contrary to their own interest. Source: Lukes, 2004 How did we get here? 10.2 shows a shift towards greater ethnic diversity in the House of Commons, though it has not yet become fully representative. Recent decades have also seen a significant increase in the number of women MPs. The total figure rose at every General Elec- tion during the period from 1979, except in 2001 when it fell slightly following a sharp increase in 1997. In 1979 women made up 3 per cent of MPs; by 2017, 32 per cent—still short of their proportion of the total population (Audickas et al., 2019: 4). These shifts towards greater diversity in the House of Commons have come about partly because of con- certed efforts by the Labour and Conservatives parties, including the implementation of procedural changes (Sobolewska, 2013). To succeed, they had to find ways of selecting candidates from underrepresented groups to contest seats that they had a reasonable chance of winning (Geddes, 1995). Labour has achieved gender balance among its representation at UK parliamenta- ry level partly through the use, since the early 1990s, of all-women shortlists in constituency selection pro- cesses for half of seats deemed winnable (Ashe et al., 2010). This approach proved controversial. It was the In practice 10.2 Diversity in public office TABLE 10.3  Faces of power 1

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