Blick_UK Politics (9780198825555)_CH10

10.3 In theory 235

incorporation into the democratic system. A free market or laissez-faire outlook, connected to the political right , might suggest that inequality of outcome is inevitable and important to ensuring an effective economy in which people are motivated to perform by the prospects of both success and failure. Socio-economic inequality, the free market school holds, is a feature of a free society. It should be noted that these stances might not be as clearly set as is sometimes assumed and cannot always be assumed according to political party. The Conservative government that won a Commons majority at the General Election of 2019, making gains in more deprived areas in Northern England, has identified territorial inequality as a particular problem. It has pledged to address this issue, using the phrase ‘levelling up’ (Lancaster, 2020). The coronavirus emergency has brought to the forefront further indirect discrimination. Evidence suggested, for example, that black people were more likely to catch the disease. The impact of the emergency varied according to people’s personal circumstances, such as their housing situation; their source of income and how it was affected; and—for those in education—their ability to access online learning, and receive the necessary support at home. The pandemic has also necessitated immense governmental intervention in the economy to take the place of market forces, though how far this action will be directed towards greater equality remains to be seen at present. Linked to distribution of resources is the extent to which the economic position of a person determines their future prospects. The degree to which people are potentially able to succeed in areas such as educational attainment and professional advancement even if they come from less socially privileged backgrounds—known as ‘ social mobility ’—is a way of assessing the extent of indirect dis- crimination. A report by the Social Mobility Commission published in 2019 found that disadvantage can replicate itself from the very earliest life stages: Babies from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to be born with low birth weight, which has been shown to lead toworse health in childhood, andworse outcomes in later life through poorer educational attainment and lower wages. (Social Mobility Commission, 2019: vii) The tendency towards the locking in of disadvantage, the report found, continued from this point onwards, in educa- tion and then work. Territorial differences are, once again, important. Evidence suggests that levels of health—which have implications in turn for life prospects—tend to be worse in more deprived areas (Marmot et al., 2020: 3). Analysis also suggests that unevenness in the job mar- ket has important knock-on consequences. London, for instance, has far more extensive work opportunities than other parts of the UK. Those seeking advancement who do not already live in London can improve their prospects

by moving there. But the ability to make this move is partly determined by pre-existing levels of social advantage or otherwise (Social Mobility Commission, 2019: 124). There is an important psychological aspect to this phenomenon of background determining prospects. Opinion research published in 2020 shows that 44 per cent of people be- lieve that the social origins of a person are the main de- terminant of what they will go on to achieve, while 35 per cent held that all people have similar levels of opportuni- ty. Territorial divergences are powerful. In London, 78 per cent of people answered that there were strong chances to succeed in London, while in the North East of England only 31 per cent took this view of the North East (Social Mo- bility Commission, 2020: 4). If people do not believe they have opportunities, it could discourage them from trying to progress, locking in a lack of equality. 10.3.3 Representation Beyond direct and indirect discrimination, and the enforce- ment of equality in these areas, representation in politics is a key issue. In 2011, David Cameron, then the UK Prime Minister, created controversy by telling a woman MP, Angela Eagle, to ‘calm down dear’ in a parliamentary de- bate. Critics held that the comment was sexist, while allies of Cameron defended him on the grounds that he was re- peating a well-known television catch-phrase (Lovenduski, 2012). This episode helped illustrate the complexities of identity and representation in UK politics. While women may achieve a presence in the House of Commons , they may receive inappropriate treatment while there. There are other tensions relating to iden- tity, diversity, and equality alongside this. For instance, one might expect that in a democracy, the existence of a wide franchise would mean that parties would compete for the votes of many different groups by offering them policies that further their interests. But analysis of policy pledges made to the electorate can suggest otherwise. For instance, one researcher found that, while parties had become increasingly willing to include LGBT issues in their manifestos , this development was slow and lim- ited (Chaney, 2013). Observation of such tendencies has led a number of observers, including feminist theorists, to consider what are the barriers to more meaningful or ‘sub- stantive’ representation, and how they might be overcome (Lovenduski and Norris, 2003). The period since the early nineteenth century has seen the lifting of restrictions on who can vote and hold public office; and the introduction of measures intended to pro- mote equality and prevent discrimination. But these chang- es in the law have still left certain groups underrepresented within important political institutions. For instance, despite recent increases in their presence, the number of women

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